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The Member* being assembled at tlw Athe- 
nsuin,iii the cit; of Baltimore, on Moodaj, (ke 
autday of M«;, 18SS, at II o'clock, A. M. 

M: SUnner, ef Nanr-Hunpohire, atated the 
objeclaof the meeting, and on bii motion, John 
OvGBTOl*, of Tennessee, wai called to the 

M: Eaton, of Tennessee, alaled that Mr. 
Oreibs WM eonfined to hii rkhd by sudden In- 
dispoHtion, and on his motion, Robxht Ld' 
CAB, of Ohio, was chosen to supply his plsca. 

On motion of Mr. Burke, of Oluo, John A- 
Dix, of New-York, v/ta chosen secretarr. 

On motion of Mr. Hubbard, of New-Hamp- 
ahire, it was 

B^hed, That ■ committee to conaiit of one 
member bom each State be appi^Dted to report 
to the CoaventioD the names of the Delegates 
in attelkdaDce. 

A committee of S8 was sccoidm^j selected 
bj the delegate* of the States repieeented.* 

The Conventiaii then adjourned till one o'- 
clock, P. H. to give the committee timo to te- 

OlTB 0'Cl.l>CK, P. M. 

The CravendoB met pursnant to adjourn- 
ment The committee appointed to report to 
the ConventitHi the names of the delegates in at- 
tenduice, made the fbllawing report : 

Brvmwick. — Robert P. Dunl^. 

.Alfred, — Jeremiafa Goodwin. 

flotA—Peter H. Green. 

JVobUborc John D. M'Crate. 

Saco John FairGekl. 

JVi«e/UU.— Nathan CliObrd. 

Portland.— A. W. H. Clapp. 


PorttraoiOh John L. Elwjn, 

do Jiune* Fatrlngton, 

Ctmcord.— Isaac Hill. 
Pill^ld—ATloni Carroll, 
CharltttoKn. — Henry Hubbard. 
Canterbury. — Joseph M. Harper. 
Charlttioum. — Frederick A. Sum.iei 
Laneatter Henry H. SyWeater. 

SmilJainck — Jdia Mills. 
ihistan.— John K. Simpson, 
do Chartes Henahaw. 
&i;n».^jDaeph S. CaboU. 
-AiAwer— Gayton P. Osgood. 
CAor/uAm.— Paul Willaid. 

* Missoari was not repreaentrd. 

XouwU,— EUpbalet Ch*. 

Wi^rum — John Wade. 

Oanii«r.— Hoses Wood. 

Worcetttr. — Luther Burnett, jr. 

SpringJUbl.—Jamei W. Crooln, 

i>ttis/!eJil.— Phineas Allen. 

SoxSury. — Ebenezer Sealer. 

WeUJUci Jo»ph Holbrook. 


Promdmet. — Jamas Pennei. 

Sovth jn^vstoR,— Elisha R. Potter, 
do WiUdns Updike. 

BrUtol James D'Wolf. 


ifar^oryf.— John M. Niles. 

Salen^ri^e — S. 8. Hitunan. 

JVeruiKA — Epa^iraa Fortet. 

Stamfiird. — James S. Darenport. 

Canterbury. — Andrew T. Jodson. 

Soxbury Hoyal R. Hinman. 

JGddleloan—A. M. BoUea. 

WilHngtoa—Oirin Hdt. 

Skelburn — Ezra Meech. 

JUonkton Stephen Haight. 

WeOmintter William C. Bradley. 

JifomrUh — Alden PaCndgo. 

Monlpelitr J. P. Miller. 

Middlebury. — Joeeph Hough. 

Sag Barbour. — Jonathans. Conklin. 

Stolen bland. — Grifhn Tompkins, 

JVetD-Fork dty. — Abraham Bloodgood, 
do Stephen Allen, 

do John W. Hardenbrook, 

Tottlcert, Watehater co. — Sunpoon 81m- 

Pn^Uei^jie.— Nathaniel P. Tallmadga. 
Monlgomery, Onoige eo — Charles Braland. 
7W.— Henry Vail. 

CodttakU Dorance Kirtland. 

&Aan«(ady.^Alanzo C. Faiee. 
Cherry-VaUy. — Junes 0. Morse. 

Utica Henry Seymour. 

FaiTfield, Herkimer k 

Jehattown — Abrahun 

Uhiott vmage.—ia'ba Gale. 
Platttburg. — Heman Cady. 
Otw^o. — Theophilus S. Morean. 
l^dauburg — lUasom H. Gillet. 
Oxford.— Joba Tracy. 
Onondi^a.— Jonaa Earll, jr. 
Caimmitt. — Chariea Stsbbins. 

Ithaca Ebanezer Mack. 

Itemui.— David McMeD. 
Boehttler. — Jolm Bowman. 
Bath. — John Magee. 


lit Jby— Hmhui J. R«dfield. 
•dOtmy.— SUw Wright, jr. 

Jftv>-Terk CUv PreMtred Fish. 

IMU JUZt.— Nathaniel S. Benton. 
BalUlon. — Samuel YoiUH. 
^aetlon — Ldcu Elmei^orf. 
CoBtrt. — Jonaa Seely. 

jnw-Tork City — Churchill C. Cambrelens- 
jUbant/. — John A. Pix, 
do Azariah C, ilasg. 
Jenej/ City, Btrgen to — Joo. M. Comeli- 

do do Benaou Milledcder, 

do do Sallil. Cvoedj. 

Haduruatk. — Jamei U. Pinj. 

Potterton — Garrett E. Hopper. 

JViaark, EtHX eo. — IVuden AUen, 
do da Zephaniah Dnke. 

fatttnon, do John Tra*are. 

MorriitouM, Marrit co.— Edward Condict, 

Bavtr, do Jacob IjOkj. 

BttduoBtty, do Jouph JkokHin. 

FlanH^t, _ do Williua Munro. 

Somamlle, Stmertt to. — Joha M. Mann. 

JOm^iMillt, do Jacob EUne. 

JV. Srvntuttek, do C. L. Harden- 

Sotttmerville, do Wm. Thompsra. 
Xtngtton, do John Gulick. 

C^eemoieh, Warren co. — Wm. Kennedy, 
M". Brvmaick, Middltaex to — L. Eirkpat- 

Smith Jlmioy, do Charles MorzfU). 

IVoodbridgt, do John M. TuTu. 

Flamagton, HuiJerdan to — Alex. Wurta. 



Penmt^toa, do 
StoattmBrgh, do 


Stacy G. Potts, 
Saml. R. Hamilton. 
Nathl. SaxtoQ. 
Joseph Cunningham. 
William MarahiU, 
Andrevf Weart. 

_ A. Van Syckle, jr. 

Prtehotd, Monaumlk to. — John M. Ferine, 
do do Dan). H. Ellis. 

JV-Egml, do Joa. W.Rccklea. 

FrethtSd, do William Goodman. 

Mbtmt Bolb/, Burlingloa to. — ELas B . Can- 
do do Mattben Mllenr;. 

Springfield, do John Chambers. 

Black Horit, do John Aaronson, 

Olocattr CO. Woodbury. — Kobeit L. Arm- 

m>ttiter CO. Camden. — John W. Mickle. 
Salem to. Saiem. — Richard P. Thompson, 
do do Jonathan Richman, 

do do Mcees Richmui, jr. 

tiD do Joseph Eille, 

do do Jogiah Shull, 

•ia do Samuel Finlej, 

do do HenrjH. Elwell. 

Cttnibcrland to. Grtemmch — Wm. B. Evt. 

do Bridgttoa, John Ogden.ji. 
do do Edmund Sbepaid, 

do do Isaac W. Crane, 

do da Samuel S. Siblej, 

do do Jama Ward. 

Ca^Mrseo. Ci^Miy C. B.—Aiai. M' 


Laneatler — Henrjr R(^[en. 
PAt/ode^Aia.— Freemw Scott, 
do John M. Buclaj', 

do Anthonj LanaMt, 

do Thomas Koehler. 

Harriaburg, — Geoq;e GallagbGE. 
do Simon Camersb. 

JVhe Cattle. — George Read. . 
fVtimmgtoa, — Rjchard H. Bayard. 
Port Pom. — Christopher Yand^rifl. 
An^TTia.'-John Cummins. 
Dover. — Abel Harris- 
.M:£^nf,_William M. Godwin. 
Coneord — Jene Green. 
Laurel. — GeOTge R. Phillips. 
Miton — Samuel Paynter. 

Bcferiloum..-~Wm. D. M'Gil). 
Prederiek Ciiy.—Jat. Dixon. 
VanmiUe—lobn C. Herbert. 
Saiimurre — T. E. Stanaberry- 

do Upton S. Heath. 

Harru Lot — John T. Stoddert. 
Cenlrenlle — Wm. Caimicloel, 

do Wm. Onjaoa. 

Cambridge. — Jas. A. Stewart. 
HeadofEUc.—Jdm T. Raese. 

Oeorgetown -Jlenry Dunlop. 



Thomas Nebon, 
do Peter V. Danie(, 

do CoOin Clarice, 

do James Ratrliin- 

Hairico to — Edward C. Mayo, 
do Robert C. Nicholas, 

do John Rutberfoonl, 

do Cl&ibmae W. Gooch. 

Loringtm, Jifelioneo Richard Pdlatd. 

King George C. H. Xing George CO.— John 

JVarthianbarlrmd C. B. JVMkamterlaidea. 
-J. M. Smitb- 
Lantatter C. H. Laneailer eo. — C. H. Le- 

C. H. RieAmond eo S. Witllamt. 

Winehaler, Frederick ee — J. H. Sbenard, 
do Edgar W. Robinson. 

JViwIowii. — George Lynn.senr. 
Baltietoum—Cyma MTormick. 
H'tncAeitfr.— James G. Bryce, 

do James Sbsco, 

do George Reed. 

Pmcattle, Boatetourt ca.—Jmnte* 8. Wal- 

Jlugjuta, jSygueta eo — C. C. Scott. 

Staunlaa. — ^wis Human. 

FrankUn, FendUlon M.— Wm. M'Ooy. 


BarrumtburgJi, B«Miigha>it t 

-Ed. H. 

do JBines Clark, 

do John J. Moorman. 

Woodttoek, Shauaidoah eo — Junes Irvin, 
do do Isaac Oveiall. 

Cartertrille, Cumberland eo. — R. HorciKm, 

do Thos, W. S. Gregory. 
C. B. Euex to. — John M. Gtimett. 
SBekiaad, Prince WUliaa eo — J. W. F. 

do Charlee S. Cuter. 

ParhamU Store, Stutex eo. — Richard E]^. 

Daeia P. O. do Visa. Harrison. 

IMtUteian, Suuex eo. — George Blow. 

Let^urg, Loudon CD.—Henr? Clagett, 
do John A. Carter, 

do Charles DoiiglaiB> 

do Be^unin Shtve, 

do G. M. Chichester, 

FVederidubttrgk, Sti^ordeo — R. A. Gia?- 
Lau>rtneaiUU, firutuuvtcft eo. — R. D. Turn- 

Wiuhmglon City, P. Oeo. eo.— JohaY. Ma 

Surrey eo. — John Y. Mason. 
Colemille P. O. ChtiterJUld co— W. R. 

do James Elain. 
J^ptrville, Fauquier co. — B. Suat. 
PeUr$burgh.—i<Jba T. Brown. 

do David H. Branch. 

Cuipemier C. fi:— Robt. A. Thamp«iii. 
CaroiSna C. ff.— Edmond Pendleton, 

do Wm. G. Minor. 

Oratge C. B.—l<iiD Willis, 

do John Woolfolk. 

OoeAland C. H;— Joseph S. Watkina, 

do Dover Mills. 

JifoTihatt^ton eo. — John Ker. 
Eattvitle, Jiorthaniptott to. — T. J. L. Not- 

do do J. J- Simplcins. 

Badaiaham eo. Cairo — E. W. Hubbard. 
Pr. Ed.C- H. FrirtesEibcardee — Asa Du- 

^fVaiJtington CO. Abingdon — Francis Preaton, 
do do JohnN. Humes. 

^eeemae eo. Dnimmondtown. — Thoe. H. 

do Samuel Welles, 

do Henry A. Wise, 

do Robt. J. Poukon. 

eiceetttrto. C. if.— Thos. Boewel], 

do Thos. Smith. 

JI&Maei CO. C. A— Wm. ShulCice, 
do HrJdar Mudeins, 

do Albert G. Pidgins. 

Failfax to. Oeeequam. — Georire Mason. 
Fbaamaeo. BeoWt Ferry, JD>.S. H. Ma- 

Bedford eo. Waihinglon CUg.—N. H. CUir- 

Atbemarle eo. Waabinglon Otfy.— W. F- 

Oarland'i Store — Charles Cocke. 
Monottgahela, eo. Morgan/own. — Wm. Ia- 

do do Th<». J. Mu^B. 

Oreemvilk eo.—E. P. Scott. 

do Binford. — PetenoD Goodwm. 

Amelia eo. Elkfall C. H.—Wm. S. Archer, 

FranUia eo. Van Oakley— Vfm- P. Wil' 

O^ard — Joseph H. Bryan. 
Cotaeell eo — Bedford Brown. 

WUmitigton Owen Holmea. 

Raleigh Romulus M. Saunders. 

Charleston — Jod R. Poinsett, 
do Danl. E . Huger. 

Laurerti to — Sta.rliD)c Tucker. 
Stanpttntille. — J. S. Richardson, jr. 

do Maynard D. "' ' 

Camden — James Btalr. 


Jvguata Jobn ForeyUi. 

Breentborovgh.—.TYoM. F. Foster. 
Athem. — Augustin S. Clayton. 
Savannah — James M. Wayne. 
Elberton. — Wiley Thompson. 

^Anii.— William R. King. 
Himlmlle.^Clemenl C. Clay. 
JUobiU — John B. Hogan. 
Clarke eo — Dr. Niel Smith. 
Claibome.—C6l. W. 8. Hajs 

Winchester Povrbatan Ellis, 

do J. C. Wilkini. 

JVeto-Orleana. — Henry Cariton. 

JTaAoHIe. — John Overton, 
do David Park, 

do Jesse Wharton, 

do Geo. C. Childers. 

.FVonifis John H. Eaton. 

Carthage. — David Burford, 
do Dizon Allen. 

Greenville James W. Wylie, 

do Jceeph Elmest. 

J^uw.— Geo. W.TerreU. 
Dresden. — WlUiam Fitzgerald. 

BoHear David Feotieas. 

Jackton. — William Arnold. 

Jonetborovgh John Blair, 

do Jas. V. And( 

JWuAriiZe.— Robert Woods. 
HamxfafiureA — Robert B. M'Aflee. 
CnfuinAia.— Nathaa Gaither. 
HameteiUe. — Albert G. Hawes. 
HarrodMburgh — Samuel Daries. 
ibeAnutnd.-— John Speed Smith. 
roneiMu^ft, —Chiuaoey B. Shepherd. 
JViuiporl — Jeflhrson Phelps. 
Geergelown. — Robert J. Ward, 
do Henry Johnson. 


£eut(DiUc. — Levi Tyler. 
Latinglon — J*tM Norton. 

CSfKfnwKt.— Robert T. Ly Lie, 

do Wm. Burke, 

do John S. Lrtla, 

do Kabt. J. Skinner, 
Chillicothe Peter Douglan, 

do Allen I^tham. 

ZamnUle — John R. Mulvuiey. 
TWin, Seneca co — Henry Cronise. 
P&elotm Robert Lucai, 

do David C. Stdouer. 

Chillieolhe. — WillUm Muiphy, 
ZaneanlU — Junes Hunpson. 
Ciminnati. — Edwnid J. Lvtle. 
ZmtM>ilU.—Jotai H. Keith. 
LtmeMter—ThomiB W. White. 
Cadf*— Dull. Eilgore. 
Boniman. — EUBatdnin. 
Pmnmlle — John Eatoa, 

do Williun Vf. bvjD, 

do Winiatn 9. T™cy. 

St. CteirwiUe.— William Kennon. 
Sf«utomile.— Chu-lea S. Frailey. 

Loganiporl. — John Tipton. 
AMwriJfe— Ratcliff Boon. 
Charlataum. — John Can. 
fbrt Wayne- — Jonathan M'Carthy. 
£e4>Ai.— Stunnel Milroy. 

EUu K. Kane. _ 
Jdui M. Robinson. 
On mo^oB otJIir- Saundas, of North Caro- 

Be$olted, That a committee be appointed to 
couaat of one delegate from each Stats repre- 
■coited in t^w convention, to telect officers, and 
regulsta the mode of [Oixeeiiing;, and that they 
report to-morrow moroing at 9 o'clock ; and 
that said committee be selected by the delega- 
tions of the rmwctive States. 

On motion or JiB: M'Jlffee, of Kentucky, it 

Betobied vaanimout^. That the venerable 
Charlks Carboll, of Canidlton, the only 
BQTvif or of that devoted band of patriote, whc 
made and signed the Declaiation of Indepen- 
dence, be invited to take » seat in this oonven. 
lion during its deliberationB, and that a commit, 
tee of three members be appointed topreseni 
this invitation Gen, M'Affee, Gov. Fennei 
■Ad Mr. Gerheait, were the committee. 

lV, May 22, 1882. 

JVfee o'clock, Jl. ^— The convention m 
purauant to adjournment. 

Tho committee appointed to nominate ol 
cert of, and to report rules for, the govemment 
of the convention, nominated 

RoBXBi' LcoAf , of Ohio, as president of the 
convention, which nomination was nnanimonsly 
adopted, and Mr. Lncas was accordin^j — 
ducted to the chair. 

The committee reported the fbUowing i 

Raohed, That (bnr vice-president* be ap- 
pointed to aid the presidiiiE i^cer of this 
vention in the discharge ofhii duties. 

Which was uaanimooely uU^ted, and Ujpon 
the nomination of the committee, the Ibllotni^ 
gentlemen viere sqipointed unanimously; 

1st FiM-Pres,— Petbh V. DjISiei., of Va. 

2d do J.tMEB Fewnbb, ofR. I. 

3d do John M. Babci.a», of Fen. 

4th do A. S. Clavton, of Geo 

The committee also reported the following re- 
sol utfon: 

Setolved, That three secretaries be appoint- 
ed by the convention. 

The resolution vras adopted, and 

JoHH A. Dix, of JVete-Vork, Stacv G. 
Potts, o/'A%U)-/erjfy, and RobebtJ.W.^bd, 
of Kentuc/cy, were unanimously appointed se- 

The committee also reported the following re- 

Reaehed, That tn taking the vote for the 
Vice-President, a majority of the delegation 
from each State shall designate the member oi 
members who shBll vote for mid Stale. 

Seiohed, That the delegates from each State 
in this convention, be entiUed to as many votes 
in selectir^ a suitable person for the office of 
Vioe-Preaident, as such State will l>e entitled 
to in the Electoral College, for the choice of 
this officer, equally to the apportianment bill, 
recently passed b; the Congress of the United 
States ; and that two-thitds of the whole num- 
ber of the votes given be required Ibr a nomina- 
tion, and on all question coimected therewith. 

The convention then adjourned to meet at 13 
o'clock, A. M. 

Tuielee o'clock — The convention met purau- 
ant to adjournment. 

The committee appointed to wait upon the 
venerable Chables Cabboll, of Camrilton, 
reported that they had performed that duty, and 
that he had desired the committee to express 
his grateful acknowledgments, and to inform 
the convention, that owing to the state of his 
health, he would t>e unable to attend this day. 

The committee on rules and regulations re- 
ported the following additional resdutioo: 

Raolved, That the candidate for the Vice- 
Presidency shall be designated by the ballot or 
ballots of the person or persons selected for this 
purpose, bj the respective delegations without 

nomination in convention and that if a 

choice is not had upon the first balloting, the 
respective delegations shill retu-e and prepara 
for a second baUoling, and continue this mode 
. of voting, until a selection is made. 

Which resolution was adopted. 

Raelved vnanimously, Tliat the convention 
now proceed to ballot for the nomination of a 
candidate for the Vice-Presidency. 

Whereupon the several delegations proceed- 
ed to deposit their ballots at the secretary's ta- 
ble—and the IwJloting having been concluded, 
it appeared upon the connt that MARTIN 
VAN BUREN had received the fbllovving 
votes: — From Connecticut 8 votes; Illinois 2; 
Ohio ai ; Tennessee IG ; North Carolioa 9 ; 
Oec^a 11 ; Louisiana B ; PennsylTauia 30 ; 
Maryland T; New-Jersey 8 ; Mississippi 4 ; R. 
Idand 4 ; Mafate 10 ; Massachinetta 14 ; Dela- 


ynn S ; Now-Hampshirfl 7 ; New-York 42 ; 
Vermont T ; Alabama 1— being in alt 208. 

That Richard M. Jolinson had received the 
following votea : — From Illinois 2 Totes; India- 
na 9 ; Kentucky 18— being in all 28 votes. 

That Philip P. Barbour had received the M- 
lowing votea: — From North Carolina 6 votes ; 
Virginia 28 ; Maryland 8 ; South Carolina II, 
and Alabama 6 votes— being in the whole 49 

It appearing therefore, that Mahtiw Vaw 
BfBEN hod received a majority of more than 
two-thirdi of all the votea given, be was de- 
clared to he selected as the candidate nominated 
by this convention for the Vice-Presidency.' 

On motion of -W-. Archer, of Virginia, the 
convention then adjom'ned, to meet again at 4 
o'clock thta afternoon. 

Fkiur o'clock, P. Jf.~The convention met 
pursaant to adjournment- 
Mr. JlTchcr, nf Virginia, presented to the con- 
Tenticn tbe foflowing re^Qtion, wlvch had 
been adopted by the delegation of that State, 
during the recess, and asked that it might be 
^acM upon the records of the convention, "'~ 

Hesohed, That the delegation irom 
Virginia to the convention, concni 

t Wm. a. Baga, voted for Mr. Vtm Buren. 

and approve, the nomination of a Vke- 
President which has been mada by that 
body, and will recommend the cordial 
support of it to their constituents. 

Ordertd vnanimoiaty. That the nnw b« 
placed upon the recoids of the coovantion. 

Mr. fefftrvm FAelpi, of Kentucky, oOetod 
the following: 

Whereas, Mabtin V*n Burkit, of 
New- York, baa received, upon the firat 
ballot, more than two-tldrds of all the 
votes given, (or tbe purpose of selecting 
a cancfcdate for the Vice-Presidency <rf 
the United States — therefore — 

Resolved, That this convention tmo- 
mmouili/ concur in recommending him to 
the people of the United States, for their 

On Di""""^', 

Retoloed, That , „ 

one member from each State, be appointed to 
draft an address to the people of the United 
States, and that such committee be E^pointed 
by the president. 

Whereupon tbe folloning crentlemen were ap- 
pointed, to wit:— Jfonui, Robert P. Dnnlui ; 
JVan-H/mguhiTc, Frederick A. Sumner ; Jtiaa- 
sachutetlt, Fhineas Allen ; HAode lilatd, Wil- 
kins Updike; C/mnecHcul, Andrew T. Jndron; 
Vermont, Wm. C. Bradley ; JVeiB-For*, John 
A. Dii ; JVOE-Jertejf, Aiei. Wurtz; rtmuyt- 
oania, Anthony Laussatt ; Del/ama-e, Jc^ 
CummiDB ; Marylatd, John T. Rera ; Virgi- 
ma, Wm. S. Archer ; JV. CamUna, RomnlM 
M. Saunders ; 8. CiB-olina, Joel R. Poinsett 
Qtorgia, James M. Wayne ; Alabama, Cle< 
ment C. Clay ; MittUsippt, Powhattut ElUg ; 
Lawiaaa, Henry Cerleton ; Timuitet, Geo. 
W. Terrill ; KaOucky, John Speed Smith ; 
Ohio, Robert T. Lytle : buUarui, Samuel Mil- 
iaj\Illi7Kit, John M. Robinson. 

The following preamble and resolution were 
offered and adapted unanimously : 

Whereat, By the constitution of the United 
States, the citizens of the District of Columbia, 
arenot entitled to a vote for President and Vice- 
President ; and 

Whereat, They have thou^t proper to send 
four delegates to represent them in this conyen- 

the District of CrJumbia, be granted the privi- 
lege of recording their votes for Vice-President, 
and that the same be appended to the proceed- 
ings of the Convention. 

Whereiqmn their vote was given ftvUAkTiN 
Van BctiEN. 
On motion of C. C. Clay, of Alabam*, 
Reached, That the c<mvention repose 
the bluest confidence in the pnritr, pa- 
triotism and talents of MflDREW 
JACKSON, and that we moBtcwdially 


CODCUT in the t^Mted nomiMtioiu which 
he has received in TmriouH ports of the 
Union, aa a candidate for re-election to 
the office which he now fills with so 
nudi honor to himself, and usefiilness to 

On motini of Mr. Shepherd, of K7. 

SeMoleed, That the president and vice-preti- 
denti of thii convention be a commiltee to in- 
form Martin Van Buren of his nDmination to the 
office of Vice-President 

The (bllowing eommuDicatim wkb received 

On behalf of the delegation of the State 
of Indiana in this convention, I em au- 
thorised to declare to the delegates of the 
several states : That the nomination of 
&brtin Van Buren as a candidate ibr the 
Vice-Piesidenev, has their approbation, 
and will have their cordial support ; and 
althou^. Col. Richard M. Johnson, of 
Kentucky, received their vote, so soon 
aa the will of a majority of the conven- 
tion was indicated, they were disposed 
cheeifiiUy to yield their preference for 
the bvorite son of the west, whose claims 
to the rewards of bis country, tbey be- 
lieve to be seccaid to those of none, and 
onite with the elder States of the Union, 
in snjqmrt of Mr. Van Buren, who we 
hesitate not to say will rec^ve the elec- 
toral vote of Indiana, in pursaance of his 
nomination by this convention. 

SigiMd in behalf of the delegatea of the State 
of Uxliana to the Baltimore conreotioD. 

SAML. MILBOY, - - ■ 

« be altered oo (be 

Ordered, That the m 

minutes of the convention. 

On motion, 

Remlved, That the [miceedings of thi* cod' 
vention be sisned bv the officers thereof and 
published in the Baltimore Republican. 


Wedrcbsat, Ha; 2S, 1B32. 
JVine o'clock, A. M — The conventioa met 

pomiant to adJDumment. 

Mr. Archer, of Virginia, from the cMomittee 
on the subject of on K^dreea to the pet^e, made 
the following report: 

The committee to -wham was aanned the 
dut; of preparing an sddreM from uiis ecm- 
veatlon to tlie people of the United States, re- 

That having interchanged I^iinions Ob the 
sabiect submitted to them, and wreeiBg /bDj' 
in Uie principles and sentiments which tber be- 
lieve ought to be embodied in an address m this 
description, if such ao address were to be made, 
neverthelesi deem it advisable, under ezistuw 
circnmstancea, to recommend the adoptiini ^ 
the ibllowing resolution : 

Retoleed, That it be recommended to 
the several delegations in this convKition, 
in place of a general address btxa. this 
body to the people of the United States, 
to make su<^ explanations by address, 
report, or otherwise, to their respective 
titnents, of the objects, proceedings 
and result of the meeting as they may 
a expedient. 

JoHir A. Dtx, J 

Stact G- Potts, j 
Robert J. Ward, ] 

Which report aad resolution were read 1 
adopted unanimond;. 

lEOBERT LUCAS, Pretident. 
JAMES FENNER, 2d V, Pret. 
JOHN M. BARCLAY, 3d V. Pni. 
A. S. CLAYTON, 4(A V. Prei. 



Of the Republican Delegates of the State of Nev-York. 

Fellow Gitixkbs— 

In puniUDce of ^e su^estioD contained in the foregoing resalation, the delegate! 
from this Slate have deemed it proper respeotfuUy to call your attention to the 
coiuse pursued by them in the disclMrge of their du^, and the cooaiderationa hf 
which they were actuated in giving their vote to the distinguished citizen, on whont 
^le choice of the convention )us laUen- They consider it due to the occasicm to re- 
fer alao to the nature of the crisis at which we have arrived, the objects to be 
achieved and the dangers to be averted by the united exertions of the Rgniblicans 
of the United States, and by a cursory review of the efforts and triumphs of our 
{8«deces8ors in similar emergencies, and the character of the contest* throu^ which 
tb^ passed, to point out to you iJie true sources of your security and strength. 

The principles involved in the approaching election are identically those, upon 
which the people of the United States have been divided from the earliest stage <^ 
our constitutional history. They constitote, indeed, the very esKence of the divi- 
MOO which prevailed during the deliberations, in which the foundations of the govern- 
ment were laid. It is uoneceaaary to entec into a detailed examination of the hiaton 
<^ that divisiim- * It is sufficient to say that the great question, on which iadividuaja 
separated, was &e nature and extent of the powers to be conferred on the general' 
government. While one party saw in its patronage and power a tendency to con- 
solidation, others &ncied in the reservations of State sovereignty an extent of autho- 
rity inconsistent with the executjon'of the general purposes, for which it was fiamed. 
In the contests, to which these divisions of opinitHi gave rise, the advocates of a 
limited delegation of power generally prevuled ; and it is apparent, from die debates 
in Congress and the State Legislatures previous to the adoption of the constitution 
of the United States, that they intended to confer on the gener<tl government such 
powers only as were absolutely iadispensable to the execution of the objects of its 
institution. The amendment to that instrument, which reserves to the States and 
the people, respectively, all powers not expressly delegated, furnishes, wiUi regard 
to delegate! powers, a rule of construction, which can not well be misunderstood. 
It is a settled principle that questions, arising tinder the provisions of an instrument, 
shall be determined by a direct reference to tfte sfHrit, in which it was framed. The 
contest previously to the adoption of the constitution, on the port of those who fan- 
cied causes of disunion in too large a reservation of State sovereignty, was to con- 
fer as much power as possible on the general government grant. Since 
the adoption of that intrument the contest, on the part of the same individuals and 
their political followers has been to efilat^ as much as possible the authority of the 
general govemraent by construction or implication firom express grants, SO &r, in- 
deed, as to inolude powers, which the fiamere of the constitution expressly refused 
to take from the States. Through all vicissitudes the policy of the party has re- 
■nuned unaltered, however their objects may at various times have been prosecuted 
by various measurea. In the seasons of their adversity their stead&st adherence to 
original principles haa been manifest, in the opnions which they have openly avow- 
ed, and m the persevering opposition which they have waged against the measures 
of the administiation ; and uieir elevation to power haa been uniformly the signal 
of encroachment, or of attempts at encroachment, on the constitutional ri^ts of the 
States and the peojde. The love of power would of itself be sufficient to account 
for the existence of such a party in any countiy ; but with us it depends on other 
principles ; it has its foundation in speculative doctrines concerning tiie very struc- 
ture and tiieoiy of the government. It is a system of political faith proceeding upon 
" a doubt of uie ability of the people^ (to use the langui^ of an apologist of th« 
federal party,) to uphold the free institutions under which we live :" and it was 


BKfunlly to be expected th&t errors, which are merely specoIatiTe when the ^nty 
u without power, should become erron in practice the roomeut they acquire the 
ability to execute their purposes. 

The political history of the country ifl, in a word, the history of a struggle, more 
cr less remitted as the power of the opposition has increased or declineaTto main- 
tain in their purity the original principles on which the goremment is founded. 

The election of a President and Vice-Presideatof the United States inrolves in 
itself, indepeodeutly of the political distinctions to which we have adverted, consi- 
derations of the lughest importance. The reputation of the country essentially d»- 
pends on the ability and success with which the President disposes of ^e nume- 
rous questions affecting our relatioiB with foreign st&tes — its tranquillity on the im- 
partiality with which he administers the laws, the disinterestedness with which be 
dispenses for the general good the patronage committed to him for that purpose, 
and the firmness with which he meets the vuious responsibilities devolved on him 
in the execution of his official trust. But such an election becomes doubly impor- 
tant when great coi»titutioDEtl questions are at stake, and when permaneot system* 
of national policy depend on the issue : and to the character of the contest it matters 
not whether fundamental principles are to be maintained against an opposition seek- 
ing to overthrow the existing order, or whether mismanagement and usurpation are 
tolie driven from the seats of power. 

The history of the government exhibits two such contests in the elections of 1800 
and 1828. In the first, the origiital division of parties was stnxigly and clearly 
marlced. It is not doubted that the doctrines of the federal party were founded 
upon a sincere belief that die exigencies of the oountry requited a greater concen- 
tr^on of power in the hands of the general government than that which had be«a 
confided to it by the constitution. The latitumnary construction of that instrument, 
which prevailed during the administraticHt of John Adams, and passed by transmis- 
BOn to bis pc^ticai followers, was the nec«ssary consequence of that bcUef. But it 
was at war with the whole theory and spirit of our scheme of government, and its 
inevitable result was, to disturb the proper adjustment of its parts, and to introduce 
disorder and confusion where harmony had reigned before. The consequences of 
the principles to which we have already adverted, were but partially disclosed in 
the administration of Mr. Adams, through encroachments on the sovereignty of th« 
states, invasions of the rights of the people, and the imposition of public burdens by 
creating and m^untaining expensive establishments. jGideed it is not easy to deter- 
mine how much these evils might have been aggravated by his re-election — what 
changes the departure of bis administration from the true interjH^tation of the con- 
stitution might have wrought in the chsracter of the government — how serious the 
consequences to liberal institutions, but for the retnbutios which fell upon that 
party in the fiiUness of their prosperity and power. 

The popular feeling which these abuses aroused, the efibrts of the friends of the 
constitution to suppress them, and the triumphant success which crowned their ex- 
ertions in the election of Mr. Jefferson, are all convincing illustrations of the virtue 
of the people, and of their ability to provide for their own injuries, by constitutional 
measures of redress. 

It was the peculiar good fortune of Mr. Je%rson to have brought out in bold re- 
lief, as rules of action, the true principles by which the politick organization of the 
government was (Higinally franied. The times were not only peculiariy bvotable 
to the accomplishment of this object, but it was imperiously demanded by the uni- 
versal expectation of the republican party. The end of the political revolution, 
which had elevated him to power, could only have been answered bj a restoration 
of the government, both in its theory and practice, to its original purity. He had 
the exalted merit of setting forth the fundaments principles of om political system. 
in the clearest and most impressive form, and of taking the lead, through the indu- 
ence of his talents and chaxacter, in bringing back the government to the true stand- 
aid irom which it had departed. The policy of his administration proceeded upon 
the principles, that the constitution was a compact between the states as indepen:- 
dent sovereignties ; tiint the powers of the general government were to be strictly 



vonsbaed so aa not to interfere witb the reserved rights of the states -, ^t each de- 
mrtment should be k^t witbio its appropriate sj^ere of action, and maintained in 
jiill vigor; Qiat a frequent recurrence to fuDdamental principles was indispensable to 
«n administration of the system accordrng to its original design ; and that there should 
be an absolute acquiescence in ihe will of the majority, when clearly expressed. 
The practical administration of the eovernment proceeded upon the principles that 
all unnecessai^ offices sbonld be abolished, so that the patronage of ^ose jn power 
nhouM be reduced to the narrowest limits consistent with the public good ; that the 
strictest economy should prevail in the disbursement of pubfic moneys ; that specific 
appropriations should be mithfuUy applied to specific objects ; that a rigid system of 
accountability diould be enforced ; and tbal the government should carefuUv ab- 
stain &oro all connexion wi(h the poUtical transactions of foreign powers. These 
rules of practice have been uniformly acknowledged by the republican paity as de> 
rived frcun a true interpretation of die constitution ; they are the great land-marks, 
by which our policy has been directed in our prosperity; and they will continuo 
during all future time, as during the past, the strong lights to guide ns through 
those occasional periods of darkness, when true men, cdlured by talse principle, 
have wandered for a moment from the path of their predecessors. 

The political contest of 1828 was marked by the dmracteriatic features of tiiat of 
1900, 'with others still more deformed, which were peculiar to itself. The specu- 
lative errors of the administration in 1828 were as obnoxious to the Irue spirit <^ 
republicanism as ^ose of their predecessors Id 1800, and their practical abuses were 
not less so. It is not to be disguised that the standard of Jefferson had been some- 
times disregarded by those, who came after hi^i. The period which followed the 
close of his administration was peculiarly favorable to the progress of constructive 
power ; the country was suddenly enveloped in dangers ; extraordinary means were 
to be hastily provided to meet extraordinary necessities ; and in the zeal, with 
which the arm of government was strengthened for the protection of our public 
rights, the rights of the states and the people were not always guarded with suffi- 
*ieQt vigilance. This will ever be our great source of danger in seasons of emer- 
gency. If the nature of our poiitical otganization is such as to render false in ibi 
application to us the proverb, that *' war silences the authority of the laws," it is 
undoubtedly true, that in war the attention is more anxiously directed to the public 
safety than to a rigid preservation of the constitutional limits of power ) that the 
landmarks of authority are i(i danger of being overlooked amid its confu^ons, and 
the policy of the government to ran into the channds of error. Hence, it is of the 
utmost importance, on the restoration of peace, to recur to first principles, to bring 
down extmordinary establishments to the standard of ordinary necessities, and to de- 
tect and rectify ^uses, which steal in, when the avenues of constitutional liberty are 
less cautiously guarded than the avenues of the public safety. These changes are, 
ftoni the moral constitution of men, almost necessarily gradual, and sometimes the 
fruit of a change of administration- The new direction, which opinion itself has 
taken under the pressure of danger, cannot always be suddenly changed : a violent 
reduction of the means of action carries with it a sense of weakness : and men of the 
purest poUtical principles are liable to t>e swayed by the induence of these impres- 
sions, when the necessities in which they had their origin have ceased to exist. 

That the policy of the government would have been gradually brought back to 
the standard of Jefierson but for the result of the election rf 1824, is unquestionable. 
But the success of the principal individuals, who were elevated to power, ensured a 
tenacious adherence to ^ that the general government had obtained by construc- 
tion. It held out the prospect of still further enlarging the powers thus acquired, 
and of extending the estabhshments which minister to the patronage of the execu- 
tive : and it proved the signal for tallying the scattered disciples of that political 
school, in which the chief himself had been prepared for the theatre of action. His 
first conununication to Congress was strongly imbued with the spirit of the politi- 
cal ^th, in which he hadheen educated. One of the fundamental errors of that 
iaith was to um at a magnificent instead of a simple government — to consult tha 
glory of the people rBthec than their tranquillity and Sappiuess. The speculatire 


errors ofbis parkin 1828 were the same as those of 1800; but our change of con- 
dition had rendered them, io relation to our political institutions, sins of a nir deeper 
dye. Id 1800 something m^ht veil be paidoned to political scepticism, on aceoont 
eS the uncertuntj which attached, in the estimation of many intelligent men, to the 
experinient we were making in self-gorenunent. But the errors of opinion which 
wevailedat that early epoch, were, imer the liaise of thirty years, opposed to the po- 
litical hghts which had, in the mesa time, risen upon mankind, to the successful 
progress of the experiment of free government in our own countiT, and to the tri- 
imiph of liberal principles throu^out the world. The policy of the administratioD 
of 1824, as exhibited in its recommendations and measures, was literally to retrace 
our footsteps, while in other countries the cause of the people bad beea steadily ad- 
vancing. It was, in a word, to strengthen the authority and enlarge the patronage 
of the general government by a relative diminution of the powers and influence of 
the states, and a direct augmentation of the burdens of the people. 

The practical administration of the governmeDt from 1834 to 1828, was as d^o- 
table as its departure in theory from the spirit of the constitution. With ahighrepu- 
taticm for diplomats; ^11, every important negotiation with a view to the adjust- 
ment of our claims on the jtistice of foreign countries, resulted in a disastrous, and 
sot always an honorable failure. The nearest approach to an adjustment of a difie- 
rence was the acceptance of a mediation with regard to the settlement of our north- 
eastern boundary, which has led to a series of long-conthwed and vexatious embar- 
lassmeols. The liberty of our citiiens was left for months to the mercy of a foreigrt 

S'vemment; and the public representative, who with an honest zeal dared to assert 
eu- rights and his country's honor, was recalled in token of the dissatis&ction of 
his govemmont at the want of deference, which he had shown for the outward forms 
of diplomacy ; thus conceding every thing to the aggression, but nothing to the virtu- 
ous indignation with which it was resented. The whole action of the government 
was perverted to erroneous uses, or, through misdirection and bad management, ex- 
pended fruitlessly on the objects to which it was applied. We might cite nume- 
rous instances of this nature to sustain the position — but it may be confidently as- 
serted, without a multiplication of proof — that there never has been in the history ol 
the country so entire a failure cm the part at the government to accomplish the ob- 
jects, lor which government was instituted. WiOi regard to our relations with fo- 
reign powers, the people saw and fdtthe public degradation and their own ; and this 
conviction was all that was necessary to call into action the elements of redress. 

But the errors of theory and practice, by which that administration was marked, 
were of litUe account when' compared with the dishonor visited upon repreeenta- 
tive government by the combination through which its success was secured. It is 
uimecessary to dwell upon the circumstances, by which the existence of that combina- 
tion was substantiated. The presumptive evidence of its exist«>ce would have been 
(lODclunve in a court of justice, as to the truth of any fact depending on it. It lias 
been so pronounced by the public judgment : and the only alleviation of the evil con- 
lequences of an attempt, crowned with a temporary success, to defeat the execution 
of the public will, is that the injury and the retribution stand recorded together ou 
the same page of history. 

It was naturally to be expected that an administration restine upon such a basis 

._-..,jv — ^„j, — ._._ ,..__ sy^'i.icritw ■^- ■ 

should be supported by measures as unscrupulous as those, by which it was ushered 
into life. The violence of the struggle to maintain the power thus acquired has no 
par^lel in the history of the country. There is no other instance, in which a sena- 
tor, for words not published, but merely '' spoken in debate," has been called to the 
field to answer for them by a member of the cabinet, which he had ventured to as- 
sail : no other instance in which a member of the cabinet, before an assembled multi- 
tude, has called on Heaven to send down upon his countrymen tlie united evils of 
•' war, pestilence and femine," rather than to visit with success the cause of a politi- 
cal rival, whose elevation, in spite of the imprecation, has been in an eminent de- 
gree honorable to the character of the country. But these were by no means the 
most disgraceful incidents of that contest : a fearless and meritorious exercise of mi- 
litary duty, when a want of firmness might have produced the most disastrous ef- 



facts, wu nuule a ground of calumny and repro*ch ; tbs most q)lendid public sarvi- 
ces vere forgotten in the rancor of political animosity ; and a war&re, too rutUeM 
for the sanctions of any barbarian code, was resorted to without compunction, for the 
wanton purpose of carrying desolation to the most sacred affections of the heart. 

It was under theae circumstances that Gen. Jackson was elected President ot the 
United States. Tbe people had long reposed vmwavering confidence in his patriot- 
bm and purity. Th^ believed him capable of introducing the re&nn, which waa 
imperiously demanded by the condition of tbe country and the government ; and they 
knew be had the firmness to meet all the responsibilities incident to the crisis. Asmnst 
the most violent effiirts of an opposition, powerful in numbers and talents, and sus- 
tained by the whole patronage ot the government — against a torrent of enini^, over- 
whelming all the laws of honorable war&re, and all the distinctions of sex uid con- 
dition — he was carried triumphantly through the contest by the people ; and the tri- 
umf^ will stand, in the aniiBls of the country, a perpetual monument of the impo- 
tence of authority under our institutions lo defeat the execution of the popular will. 
The same individuals, who in 1828 were united in su[^rt of Mr. Adams, are 
now arrayed in opposition to Gen. Jackson's re-election, animated with new hostili- 
ty and violence, and with the single difference that they are now the assailants. The 
same principles are at issue, the same results to be accomplished by the success of 
one party, and the same dangers to be appr^ended from the success of tbe other — ■ 
That the friends of the constitution will again triumph no doubt need be entertained. 
Although the numbers of the opposition have been augmented by the aecession of 
the nulUficationists, it is one of ^ose additions which carry with them neither mon^ 
nor physical strength. There is not to be found in the respective codes of the nulU- 
ficationists and national republicans, a single principle common to both. The basis 
of one is a concentration of power in tbe hands of the federal government, and of the 
other, a submission of all its power to the wilt of a state. It is true, they are capB» 
ble of combining, notwithstanding the repugnance of their political tenets, for the an- 
noyance of their antagonists, but not for the attainment of a comntop advantage. — 
Tlie elements of which they are composed, are far more wide of union with each 
other than with those, against whom they are combined : if their success were possi- 
ble, it would be the signal of a more vindictive war&re among themselves, than that 
which they are wa^ng ag^nst the friends of the constitution . 

The truth unquestionably lies between the extremes of these two patties. The 
concededpowersof thegeneral government should be exercised wiUi moderation, and 
in that spirit of compromise in which the constitution was framed. Concession 
and forbearance lie at tbevery foundation of the political fabric, and it is only through 
concession and forbearance that the structure can be upheld, If the acknowledged 
powers of the general government are pushed to extremes, the indepotdence of the 
slates is put at hazard. On the other hand, the reserved powers of the states must 
be exercised with a just and patriotic regard to the fact, that all are members of a 
confederacy, bound together by common interests and reciprocal obligations. It 
is the duty of the genera] government to respect the States as the safest depositaries 
of all th^ concerns their internal administration : and it is equally the duty of the 
States to look to the Union as the palladium of tbe freedom and ptosperity of the 
whcJe. The nullificationists offend as much against the necessary authority of the 
general government as the nationals against the unquesticmable rights of the 
States. The republican party hold the middle ground between these two opposite 
regions of error. In these divisions there is nothing new, excepting the position of 
the nullificationists, who have pushed to a fatal extreme the salutary doctrine «^ 
State rights. The national republicans, under a new designation, occupy precisely 
the ground of the federalists of 1800 and I82S. In our position, also, there is no 
change : it is the one which the republican party has always occupied, and to which 
it should be our pride to adhere — the position so happily described by Mr. Jefierson, as 
looking to " the support of the state governments in all their rights as the most com- 
petent administrations for our domestic concerns, and the surest bulwarks against an- 
ti-republican tendencies; and ^e presCTvation of the general government, in its 
whole cmstitutional rigor, as the sheet-aachoi of our peace at home and safety 


Koroad." Od this ground, if rictory were not always certain, defeat would be more 
honorable than succeas oa either of the others. . 

We have already adverted to the circumstances under which Gen. Jackson -waa 
elected President — ^the embarrassed state of our relations with foreign countries, the 
progress of tklEe principles at home, aud the disrepute into whichhis immediate pre- 
decessors had fallen in the estimation of a large majority of the'people. Me stands 
at ihe head of a political revolution asthorou^, as important in its bearingB on the 
policy and action of the government, and as fruitful of admonition to the enemies of 
popular freedom, as that which '^vas accomplished by the election of Mr. Jefferson. 
There is a remarkable analogy in the distinguishing features of the two eras of re- 
form — an analogy not confined to measures, but extending also to results, and to the 
[Kvmise which it holds out to succeeding administrations. General Jackson has re- 
alized as fiiUy the expectations of those who elevated him to power as Mr. Jefler- 
son. So far as depended on him atone, the measures of reform contemplated in his 
elevation have been fearlessly executed, and they have been uniformly well chosen 
for the public good. Faithless public servants have been dismissed, and their trusts 
confided to more worthy successors ; frauds in the disbursement of public monefi 
have been delected and puoiahed ; minute examinations have been instituted into 
the management of the subordinate departments of the government ; and a rigid su- 
pervision over all has been vigilantly nuuntained. In ttie practical administration of 
the government notitine has been neglected, which was within the reach of his ex- 
ecutive authority ; awf the result is visible in a more orderly and efficient discbarge 
of public du^. Official station is no longer regarded as private property, but as s 
trust to be continued at the pleasure, and administered for the benefit, of tiiose who 
created it. 

In the accomplishment of this internal refiinn it has been the ambition of Gen- 
Jackson to tread in the footsteps of Mr. Jefierson- He has akaed at no higher honor 
than that of restoring the administration to the simplicity of the first political revo- 
lution, correcting the same abuses, eradicating the same errors, and setting up, as a 
gvude u> his successors, the same standard of principles. 

In the vigor and success with which be has managed our negotiations with for- 
^sn states, and procured indemnity for the agressions (with one or two inconside- 
rable exceptions,) with which we have in alTpast time been visited. Gen. Jackson 
stands unrivalled. There is no hazard in asserting that he has accomplished what 
no other man could have accomplished ; and his election is, in this view alone, to 
be regarded as one of the most fortunate events which has occurred in the history of 
the countiy. It is impossible to foresee in what difficulties we might not haveoieen 
involved, by acontinued denial of justice on the part of the nations, which have du- 
ring his administration acknowledged and satisfied our claims. That much of our 
success is to he ascribed to the influence of Gen. Jackson's public character, no man 
can doubt. His fearlessness, resolution and energy were as well known abroad as 
at home : and these qualities carry with them in other countries a greater weight of 
authority than almost any other. His character for justice and honesty was equally 
well understood by those, with whom our negotiations were entertained ; and there 
was a universal conviction that he would demand of others no more than we could 
rightfully claim, and accept nothing less. He was known also to enjoy in an emi- 
nent degree the confidence of the people of the United States, and it could not have 
been overlooked that the whole physical power of the nation would, if necessary, be 
placed at his disposal to enforce any just demand which should have no prospect of 
adjustment on other grounds. It may he said, without denoting in the slightest 
d^ree from the character of those to whom our appeals were addressed, that claims 
thus supported are sure to be listened to with respect, if not adjusted with prompti- 
tude. The negotiations themselves have been as honorable to us as their results. 
They have been conducted with an honest frankness, which, having nothing to con- 
ceal,, bas sought to gain nothing by artful management, but, relying solely on truth 
and justice, has secured a corresponding fiankness on the part of others, and a ready 
acquiescence in the reasonableness of our claims. The consequence is, ^at we stand, 
in lalalion to the poweis of £urope, iu wt attitude allogetber new in our history— oa 



tertm of friendly intercourw, with scatcely a demand to be satisfied or an injury to 
be redressed, and with a national character, which constitutes the highest secMrity 
against invasions of our sovereign rights. The restoration of the West India trade 
tuts added new vigor to our commercial and agricultural industry ; the indemnities 
obtuned from France, Denmark and Brazil have furnished us with the means of re- 
storing to comfort and happiness many of our citizens, who have long been bonw 
' down Dy the weight of their losses ; our commercial conventions with almost every 
country with whichcommerciHl intercourse holds out the promise of advantage, have 
extended our trade and are rapidly multiplying our resources and the elements of 
our physical strength. Our condition is, in a word, one of unrivalled prosperity i 
it has been wrought more rapidly than any change, whether for good or evil, since 
our existence as an independent ^ple ; and it is principally to be ascribed to the in- 
fluence of the distinguished individual, who holds the reins of government. This 
attitude it is a part of our policy to maintain. We are happily at a distance &om the 
agitations of European countries, without any concern in their internal or interna- 
tional dissentions. Our position is one of rigid neutrality ; our only object to enjoy 
crommercial intercourse with all, and to maintain with aU the relations of peace and 
honest friendship, content with the possession of our own strict rights and submitting 
to no invasion of them. On this ground we may securely stand, so long as our po- 
litical system shall be administered for the happiness of the people, and not merely 
for the power and splendor of the government. 

That other measures for the general good have not been adopted is not die bult of 
Gen. Jackson, but of those who alone have the power, under the constitution, to 
execute his recommendations. It will be remembered that in one of his earliest com- 
munications to Congress he earnestly suggested such' amendments of the constitution as 
should render the President ineligible aner one term of service, and deprive him of 
the power of appointing members of Congress to official stations during the term for 
which they are elected. If these suggestions had been favorably received and car- 
ried into execution, the effect would nave been to deprive him of a re-election, and 
to close up against him what has always been deemed a source of influence with the 
l^slative branch of the government. The disinterestedness with which this sense 
ofauty was obeyed, by inviting the attention of Congress to the subject, should have 
secured him against any imputation to his disadvantage. But it has been made a 
ground of objection by the opposition, that he did not adopt and carry into practice 
fiimself the principles which he recommended to Congress, and through Congress to 
tiie people. With regard to the appointment of memLers of Congress to executive 
trusts, it is a sufficient reply, that be could not with propriety Quxw without the 
pale of selection any class of men, which the existing terms of the constitution and 
the nuiverssl practice of the government had placed within it. If the disquatificatioii . 
were made a matter of constitutional provision, members of Congress would have it 
in view in accepting their legislative trusts, aiid it would, therdore, be voluntarily 
incurred. But, without such a sanction, it would have been unjust to them not to 
consider their claims equally with those of every other class of citizens, more espe- 
cially as his recommendation had not been acted on. It would, in feet, have been 
a virtual disfranchisement by his own act of a class, which the only competent au- 
thority had declined to disfranchise. The reply to the objection raised in the other 
case to an acceptance of a nomination for a re-election, is equally conclusive. By 
bringing the subject before Congress he did all that could have been expected of him : 
he did more, by voluntarily proposing to surrender up his official influence and sta- 
tion, and to present in his own case thefirst example of the change proposed. His 
recommendation was not acted on : on the contrary, he was called, by a general ex- 
pression of opinion, to continue in the station in which be had been placed : and to 
decline on the ground referred to, would have been to set up his own opinion iu op- 
position to the opinions and wishes of his countrymen. They had a right to his ser- 
vices, which he, in common with every other citizen, was bound to recognize and 
obey by a surrender of his own individual judgment and wishes on a mere questioa 
of policy. In this case, as in all others, he has honored himself by submitting to 
the direction of the people. 



It ia doe to Grenl Jackson to refer also to his repeated recommeiuktioiis in relation 
to that great question, which more than any other disturbs the present peace of the 
coontiy — a question, on llie determination of which the hopes of all true friends c^ ^ 

the Union are yet saspended. We forbear to enter into the details of this topic ; but 
we caDDot refi^ from the ezpresaion of our belief that the expectation of tKe peo- 
|rie of the United Slates will be disappointed, if the present session of congress shall , 
tesminate without such areadjustment of the existing tariff of duties, in contemplation * 

of the extinguishment of the national debt, as ehUl reduce the public rerenues to 
Ae eeonoitiical wants of the goyemment, and deprive every section of the Union of - 
all just motive for disturbing the readjustment made, until a new crisis in our fiscal 
B&ira shall render an alteration indispensable. ■ ^ 

We will now proceed to notice some of the prominent objections raised by the op- . 

position to his re-election. We do this with the more satis&ction, as some ot the 
Twy measures of which they complain, reflect the highest credit upon his political f" 

course; we do it, not so much for nis defence, as for the purpose of setting foiih 
the value of the services which he has rendered to the public. *• ' ' 

1. Removal* from Office- ^ 

The general principles are incontrovertiMe, that all offices belong to the people ; 
that they are to be administered for their benefit, and that whatever of emolument , 
mid influence they bring, is due, in the estimation of the people, to those who con- , ^ 
cur, and not to those who are at war with them on great questions' of govern- V^ 

ment or policy. It fn^ows, that whenever a change of measures is sought by the '"'^t 
people, a change of men to a certain extent is also expected. Even if (he latter '^■1' 
were not necessary to give full eEfect to the former, it would he to a certain degree *^ 
indispensable as a matter of self preservation ; for the people could not cany into 'Wa i 
execution their own purposes, if all offices were left in the hands of political oppo-. ^, t 
nents. The truth of this position cannot be disputed. The only question, there- "aau , 
fore is, to what extent a chanKC of men shaU follow a change of measures. We '^' 
make an assertion, of the truth of which we are weU assured, when we say that noli 
the power of removal has been exercised with more forbearance by Gen'l Jackson, ''fK 
when our growth in population, the development of new sources of revenue, and *^Uk, i 
the necessary augmentation of the number of offices are considered, than the only '^ht- \ 
cme of his predecessors, who, like himself, came into the administration by force of 'oooei 
a political revolution. In the leading and most lucrative offices, both at tiie seat of '>iiton^ ! 
government and throughout the country, removab were expected ; and no one can al Jk 
doubt that the people, if they had the right under the constitution to elect and re- Nd, ij ; 
move, would by the same vote which secured Geni Jackson's election, have made viied tfi i 
a &r more extensive change. But inthe subordinate deportments of the govenuaeot ^ u^ , 
at Washington, no indivi<Eial has been removed, whatever his political [i^dilections, Kunali i 
unless he was incompetent or unjaithfiil, or unless there was good reason to behave uwe, n . 
diat he had perverted his official trust to political uses. To these cases, then, the dn^ . 
exercise of the power of removal has been restricted ; and in these it was not only ^»aei ■ 
defensible, but a matter of imperious duty. Gen*l Jackson would not have fulfilled tt utio < 
the expectations of the people if he had exercised it more sparmgly ; he would not Rad 5 | 
have exceeded their expectations if he had carried it to a far greater extent ; and ^, be 
there is no assignable limit to which he mi^t not have carried it without the sUght- <ie of t i 
est injustice to his opponents, who have on all occasions met his forbeamnce with VunetJ i i 
implacable bitterness. Of228pohticalopponent6inpossessionofsubordinateplacesiii fronme^ 
thedepartmentsat Washington, only40havebeenremoved; and 173 still retain their *ofea 
posts, although politically opposed at this moment to the adminlstratioD, &om which ^ trUi n 
they receive their subsistence. OftheremoTalSithereisnocasewhichdjoesnotcome X^of, 
within the exceptions above specified : and it is worthy of remark, that the loudest ig^ ^ 
complaints have been made by those who have been removed on the ground (fa *tf i jn 
jierversion of their trusts to pohtical uses, or adefalcation in their pecuniary tnuisac- Otggjb^ ' 
tions with the public. It is equally remarkable that some, who had been convicted of *lt£^ 

Ciering the treasury and <^ resorting to &aud to conceal their deblcatious, have 'liuk 
held up as examples of unnecessary rigor in the government, and as objects of ^ ^ ' 
Hw.n.:u«-.tin],(Q thur pohtical friends. ''^^, 



In coDDexion with thifl topic, it may not be improper briefly to notice the diBBolutioa 
«f the cabinet, which was fur a time the cause of so much clamor on the part of tha 
opposition and of those who were the unwilling victims of that reform- There neyer 
has been a moment when the friends of Geni Jackson , throughout the Union, were not 
satisfied with the change. It is trae that two of the members of the cabinet, who 
yielded their places against their own wishes to the wishes of the President, im- 
mediately assailed him with rude personal inrectives : but this only proved, by ex- 
posing their secret hostility, the urgent necessity which called for the measure. It 
would be superfluous to enter into a detail of the facts connected with a political 
event, upon which the people have long since pronounced judgment. It may, how- 
ever, be remarked that those who, in Uie performance of then: duties, fulfilled all the 
obligations of fidelity and honor, voluntarily resigned their trusts to maint^ the 
harmony of the administration ; while those, who were the only obstacles to a pra> 
servation of its harmony, abandoned with reluctance posts, which th^ held for 
the annoyance of him to whose mistaken partiality they owed them. The former 
have received from the public the full measure of Justice, which was due to their 
Du^jDanimity, and the latter the fiiU measure of sympathy, which was due to their 

2. Veto on the Mayteille road bill. 
Aldiough there is no act, which has more strongly excited the hostility of the 
opposition to Gen'l Jackson than this, none has furnished to the true friends of the 
constitution more grateful and convincmg evidence of the restoration of the govern- 
ment to its original principles on an important branch of internal pohcy. There is 
no danger so imnunent as that, which has for several years attended the prepress of 
constructive power. It is, indeed, the danger which, more immediately tfaAn any 
other, tends to the subversion of the constitution. We have already had occasion 
to remark its pn^ress during the brief career of the men, who came into power in 
1825. It is well known that the power of internal improvement, in the opinion of 
one of tliem at least, was derived by the general government, not from any express 
compact entered into by the parties to the constitution, but &om the expediency of 
its exercise as connected with the general good. Their elevation was followed, as 
might have been expected from their avowed sentiments, by numberless applications 
for money to be appropriated to the improvement of rtnds, canals, &c- within the 
lerritorial limits of di^erent states. During the session of the first coi^esa after 
Gen'l Jackson's election, these applications nad swollen to such an amount that they 
would, if all granted, have exhausted the emu's revenue of the government, ab- 
sorbed that portion of it which was necessary to meet the payment of the public 
debt, and left a deficiency to be supplied by loans or direct taxation. Under these 
circumstances, the President imposed his veto upon a bill sent to him for concur- 
rence, [H:oviding for the appropriation of a sum of money to the construction 
of a road extending, not from one state to another, but from one town to another in 
the same state. The limits of this address will not allow us to recapitulate the rea- 
sons assigned by him for withholding his assent. It is sufficient to say that the main 
ground of objection was, that the improveHient could not, by any perversion of rea- 
soning, be shown to be of a national character ; and to worlu of tlua nature, the ex- 
ercise of the power by the general government had uniformly been construed to be 
restrained by Mr. Je&erson and his immediate successors. The power of internal 
improvement under the authority of the general government, even if it exist, is at 
least of exceedingly doubtful extent. It has been rescued by Gen'l Jackson from 
the evils of arbitrary construction and unlimited extent, and placed on the safe 
ground of strict construction and limited extent : and in so doing he has ^ectually 
arrested the progress of a he[esy, which had a direct tendency not only to the exer^ 
cise of a jurisdiction dangerous to the independence and sovereignty of the states, 
but to enlarge the powers of tiie general government, and to corrupt public opinion 
by tlie disbuisement of millions lor objects of local utility. However unaccepta- 
ble it may be to the advocates of a loose interpretation of the constitution, or to 
others, who may have expected to build up a vast political influence upon the basis 
of the contem[dated expenditures, the decision of Gen'l Jackmxi reflects the highest 



credjion hjs honesty and feailessiiesi ■, Bad hiatory will record It as the most intpor- 
Iftut act of his adminiatr&tion, whether it be coosideTOd in connexion with the the- 
ory or practice of the government. Nor should we orerlook the necessary relation 
which it bears to the great object of extinguishing the public debt — an object which has 
been kept steadily in view by Gen'l Jac^on from the first moment of his accession to 
o£Bce- If the policy of the opposition in appropriatu^ large sums of money anna- 
ally to works of internal improrement had not been etfectually resisted in the man- 
ner referred to, the r^ooval of this public burden might have been indefinitely poet- 
poned- But the decision in question, by arresting extravagant expenditures on such 
works, together with the prmtent husbandry of the public resources undw the pre- 
sent administration, has placed at the ^spoul of the government the means of dis- 
charging, before the termination of another year, all its pecuniary obligations, of re- 
heving the people from a large porti<xi of the taxes, which they indirectly pay in 
procnriag the comforts and necessaries of life, and of closing up one of the most SfT- 
tile sources of local discontent. We shall thus [Resent to the world the novel and 
, Animating spectacle of a great people, without a burden of public debt, in a career 
of unexampled prosperity, enjoying, under the {Kotection of benign and equal laws, 
all the blessii^ which are contemplated in the institution of human govemmeat- 

3. 7A« Iftdian Queilion. 
The objections to the course of General Jackson in relation to this qaestioD are all 
founded on his refusal to interfere with the exercise ot a jurisdiction clamed by the 
State of Georgia over certain tribes of Indians within her territorial limits. He has 
sot been called on to act in any other manner ; nor is it pretended that the duty of 
acting in any other manner has yet devolved on him. He has avowed an opinioD 
in favor of the right of Georgia to the jurisdiction which she claims : and in this 
opinion he has been virtually sustwned by both houses of Congress, through an 
adoption of the measures recommended by him with a view to relieve the tribes 
firom the authority which they have called in question, and to im>vide for their re- ! 
moval to a region where they may enjoy forever, under the [KotectiqD and guaranty 
of the Unitea States, the separate sovereignty which they clum to exercne within 
the limits of a sovereign State. This question is to be discussed and determined, | 
not accordii^ to any abstract theory, but on the practical principles which have 
grown out of the necessities of their condition. We are well aware of the Indus' 
toious efforts which have been made to give a false bias to tiie judgment of the peo- 
ple by artful appeals Q) their sympathies, by misrepresentations of the intellectual 
condition of the Indian tribes, and of their qualifications for adf-govemment : we are 
aware, too, that while the opposition have seized on it as a political question, at- 
tempts have been made to connect the sanctions of religion with the cause — at- 
tempts, assisted by the misguided zeal of others, who by openly opposing themselves 
to the execution of the laws of the State, within the limits of which they had fixed 
their abode, and by submitting to the penalty annexed to the ofience, have doubt- 
less, by a natural misconception, regained tl^ example presented in their punish- 
ment as hallowed by a species of martyrdom for conscience sake. But all these 
eSbrIa have been without effect. It was obvious to reflect, whether sympathy ia 
due to those who may remove all cause for sympathy by a peaceful submission to the 
laws of the State, within which they have chosen their abode ; whether the spint 
and precepts of Christianity, which enjoin a submission to the municipal authorities, 
did not in this case enjoin a choice between such a submission or a removal ; whether 
any purpose of philanthropy can be answered by laboring to strei^then resolutions 
whidi threaten, if persisted in, to involve contending communities in bloodshed and 
desolation ; whether the duties of citizenship are not violated by encouraging the 
Indian tribes to reject the proffered mediation of the general government ana re- 
fuse to remove, when such results are within the range of probability .' These in- 
quiries have been answered by the people, as all questions are answered by them, 
according to the dictates of reason, good sense and an enUghtened humanity : nnd 
it is manifest that tiie persons alluded to stand, in the eyes of the nation, as maxiyr^ 
to a political, and not a religious &ith. 



While there ia every reason to beHere that the Indiana tttemielves, abuidoning 
(heir bad adriaers, -will peaceably remote beyond oui limits, and carry M-ith them 
a repugnance to the influences of civilization, which, if not UBOonqueroble, may with 
better prospects of success command Uie labors of the true friends of philandiro^ 
in their new abode ; we deeply regret that the efforts, to which we have belore ad- 
rerted, to fhtstrate the benevolent designs of the general government, should have 
received, even by indirection, the slightest countenance from the late deciraon of the 
Supreme Court. The evil does not lie so much in the apprehension of any practi- 
cal result to grow out of the principle involved in it as from the doubt into which 
die accuracy of the determinations of the highest judical tribunal in ^e United States 
is in daager of being drawn by a decision which, it is believed, will not satisfy tha 
judgment of those who shall narrowly investigate alt the grounds on which it rests. 
Independently of the controversy in respect to the right of Georgia to extend her 
laws over &e Cherokees, the case presented a prior and most importwit question, 
never before decided, viz : whether the Supreme Court of the United States pos- 
sesses appellate jurisdiction in criminal cases commenced and decided in the State 
courts } The judicial act of 1789, under which it has beeu exercised, does not con- 
fer any snch jurisdicttcm in terms ; and yet it can hardly be doubted that if the fin- 
meis of that law had intended to invest Uie Supreme Court with ea authority so 
transcendant, they would have said so in explicit language. This will be rendered 
the more prc^ble when we caaaies that two of the States, (New-York and 
Rhode-bland,) had then recently declared in their solemn ratifications of ^Constitu- 
tion, that " \he judicial power w the United States, in cases in which a State may be 
a party, does not extend to criminal prosecutions ;" and that SMne of the most distin- 
^ished advocates of the Constitution aniled in this constniction. Under these circum- 
stances it is much to be regretted that the learned and venerable Chief Justice should 
have omitted to discuss this great question, especially as the cause bad only been ar- 
gued on one side. The existence of such a jurisdictioD in the Supreme Court is 
the very ground work of the whole proceeding; and it is the more to be regretted 
therefore, that its existence was asMimed by him, but, not establi^ed. We will not 
dwell upon the numerous, we had almost said fatal, objections to the exercise of such 
a jurisdiction, its relation to die reserved rights of the States and the people, and its 
connection with the doctrines of unlimited construction, against which the Republi- 
can party in the United States have been so long and so steadfastly arrayed. It 
was, at all events, due to the country and to the b'lbunal by which the decision was 
pronounced that the question ^ould have been fully discussed by the presiding 
judge- And we can not forbear to remark that a decision, resting upon groundi 
which may perhaps be shown to be untenable, we might add, which has by a 
powerful cotemporaneous exposition been shown to be untenable (m the points dis- 
cussed, will not carry with it that strong, conviction, which should always accom- 
paoy the determinations of a tribunal of so high authority. We have alluded to this 
decision, not for the purpose of arraigning the motives of the judges, but because, 
from the manner in which the decision was urged upon the court by partizan 
journals ; from the positions occupied by tiie two eminent counsel who procured 
it, one a candidate for die presidency and the other for the vice-presi3ency of 
the United States ; and above all from the unwearied efforts made by our poUtical 
opponents through die names and reputation of the judges to assail the President and 
hia advisers ; the whole matter has become so intimately connected with die politi- 
cal discussions of die day that it could not, on the present occasion, well be over- 
looked. Independently of these considerations we can not but regard the decisioK 
Itself as a new instance of the assumption, by a department rf the general govem- 
ment, under circumstances well calculated to excite distrust and apprehension, of a 
doubtfiil power ; a power, too, of the greatest magnitude and d^cacy ; and w« 
have felt it our duty thus briefly to invite to it the attention of our constituents. 

To the people of the State of New- York this question derives additional impor- 
tance from the fact that the decision of the Supreme Court has the effect of annul- 
liug all the agreements or treaties, made under the authority of the State with tha 
Indian tribes formerly within our limits, for the extinguisbmrat (d their tida to 



the lands, 'whtch, by Tirtue of those ^reements, became public prope r t y , and s 
large portion of wbich has, by transfer, become the property of indiTidunls. K the 
principle of Ijie decision were capable of being carried into execution, its effect there- 
fore, would be to revive, within our territoml limits, six sovereign nations, totally 
independent of the authority of the State, and to restore to the rude hands of its for- 
mer poBsesors a vast region of coun^, long since reclaimed from barbarism, and 
now teeming with wealth, inteUigence and Oie richest fruits of civiUzed life. 
4. 7^e Bank of the United Slates. 
The recent disclosures of the committee appointed to investigate the aflbirs of this 
institution, vindicate the wisdom of the President in calling to it the attention of 
Congress at an early period of his administration. Whatever doubt may have ex- 
isted in the minds of some with regard to the maintenance of an institution resting 
upon a constructive, and not an express grant of power ; or whatever convictions 
may have prevuled in the minds of others with regard to the right of the general 
government to create such an estabUshment, and its connexion with the financial 
transactions of the country, it is obvious that the question of a renewal of its charter 
is now to be decided on other grounds. It stands before the public, notwithstand- 
ilig the ingenious manner in which the facts are presented by the minority of the 
committee of investigation, convicted of practices which, if they do not woA a le- 
gal, deserve to be treated as an equitable, forfeiture of its charter. The charge of 
&yoritism stands confessed by circumstances which, it js believed, are not sus- 
ceptible of a satisfactory explanation : the charge of employing its means to pur- 
chase opinions in its favor, by drcumstances which as yet are unexplained : and 
' these are suCBcient to raise up against the institution the presumption of other 
malpractices through the agency of its numerous and widely scattered branches, 
which calls for a more thorough and extensive inquiry into its transactions — and es- 
pecially into the management of those branches, which hare been established during 
the last three years for the avowed purpose of pving a favorable direction to pnbhc 
opinion. Waiving all inquiry into the utili^ of such an institution, and the right 
of the general government to create it, it is worthy of serious consideration whether 
sufficient cause is not to be found, independently of constitutional objections, for re- 
fusing to recbarter it ; whether all its secrets can be disclosed without a final set- 
tlement of its concerns ; and whether the preservation of good morals and the re- 
putation of the country itself do not demand that examples so fruitful of evil 
should be stamped with the strongest marks of the public disapprobation. Neither 
ought it to be overlooked that the existing institution has been made subservient 
not merely to political uses — but to the purposes of opposition to the pre&ent admi- 
nistration ; that its vast resources are in the hands and at the disposal of political 
opponents ; and that its re-charter would be setting up a rival power against the eo- 
vernment — a power of so fearful a magnitude as to afford just cause of apprehension 
with regard to the preservation of the republican principles, on which the govern- 
ment is founded. It is unnecessary to call the attention of the people of this State 
to the subject : they have already twice pronounced judgment upon it, through the 
medium of their representatives. But it deserves to be earnestly pressed upon the 
attention of the country at large. The people are, from the constitution of our go- 
Temment, the safest depositaries of the public honor and purity ; and we trust (hat 
the appeal will not be addressed to them in vain. From the President, as the ear- 
liest monitor with regard to the duigers to be apprehended from the institution, they 
may be assured of every co-operation not incompatible with the lawful exercise of 
his constitutional powers. 

We have thus reviewed,ascursori1yas possible, some of the principal grounds of 
objection to General Jackson's re-election by his pohtical opponents : minor objec- 
tions have been necessarily omitted, but in these, as in those which have been exa- 
mined, nothing will be found inconsistent vrith the purest patriotism, and the most 
zealous devotion to the public service. 

From the earliest period of his administration, General Jackson has found him- 
■elf embarrassed and thwarted in his labors for the public good, by the same violent 
c^ipositioo wfaidi was arrayed againnt his electiim. This spirit has not been con- 


fined to the publication of calumnies aod misrepTesentations, with a view to impair 
his standing in the confidence of the people. It has exhibited itaelf on the floor of 
Congress, by stirring up opposition to measures of public utility, by attempts to re- 
strict the authority of the executive, and to frustrate the exercise of powers, which 
the constitution has committed to but bands. The recent refusal of the Senate to 
grant an appt>pTiation for an outfit for a minister to France on the contemplated re- 
turn of Mr. Rives, is a striking illustration of the Actions spirit, which has animated 
the opponents of the administration. The President is charaed by the constitution 
with the management of our negotiations and intercourse wiSi foreign powers : and 
there is no instance in the history of the country in which Congress has refused to 
grant an appropriation for the continuance of an existing representation abroad, un- 
less the question of discontinuing it had been raised and pa^ed upon by a previous 
vote. In this case there was no p'etext for refusing to grant the appropriation re- 
quired. Our representation at the court of France is the most ancient in out diplo- 
matic history : tiie question of discontinuing it was not raised or contemplated ; and 
it might have been deemed an act of disrespect to that court, to substitute a repre- 
sentative of the second grade for one of Ihe first. So obvious was the impropnety 
of the course pursued by tbe opposition in the Senate, that one of the members <n 
that party in the House of Representatives moved, when the bill came up for con- 
sideration, to increase the contingent fund to the amount required, thus proposing 
to do by indirection what his political associates in the Senate bad directiy refiised to 
do. ' It deserves to be recorded to their lasting honor, that the more immediate 
representatives of the people refused to concur in the vote of the Senate ; and the 
reputation of the country was fortunately spared the reproach which would have 
been inseparable fram a second example of a collision between the President and the 
highest branch of the legislative deportment, on a question deeply aSecting the ex- 
ercise of hiseonstitutional powers. 

The rejection of Mr. Von Buren as minister to Great Britain, is a still more stri- 
king illustration of the hostility with which the President has been pursued through 
all vicissitudes, in all his measures, and in every scene of his public and private life. 
It is not too much to say that the people of the United States have refused to give 
credit to the principal authors of that measure, for the sincerity of the motives by 
^hich they professed to have l)een actuated. The period of the pubbcation of Mr- 
Van Buren's letter of instructions, and that of the act of rejection were too wide 
apart to account lor the tranquillity c^ temper, which those individuals enjoyed in 
the interim, and the sudden movements of patriotic sensibiUty with which they were 
visited, when they came to act upon the question of confirming his nomination. In- 
telligent men had a difficulty in comprehending how sentiments presented to the se- 
nate in 1831 should call out no expression of dissapprobation, when the same sen- 
timents presented to that body in 1832, led to the most irrepressible transports of in- 
dignation. They had equal difficulty in comprehending why breasts which respond- 
ed to no appeals for succor or sympathy, when their country's honor and safety 
were threatened by external violence, were suddenly expanded with the loftiest in- 
spirations ofpatriotism, when judgment was to be pronounced upon a pobtical ri- 
vti. But we will not dwell upon the character of this transaction. The reply 
of the President to the address of the repubUcan members of the New-York le- 
gislature, is a triumphant vindication of tiie letter of instructions, upon which the 
rejection of Mr. Van Buren was placed, a lucid exposition of its import, of the 
policy which guided our negotiations with Great Britain in relation to the West 
India trade, and of the mutual benefits to be expected from the friendly arrange- 
mect concluded between the two countries. The injury of the individual, who 
'was the temporary victim of an unnatural combination, may be promptly and fully re- 
dressed ; and for the country's wrong, the remedy is fortunately neitiier more re- 
mote not difficult of application. The eyes of all nations are turned on us; nopuV 
licact of ours escapes their observation, however grossly its policy, or the impulses 
which led to it, may be misapprehended. If it were koown that the rejection crf- 
Ut. Van Buren was the result of a temporary ascendency of a combination, compo- 
sed partly of individuals elected by the people to sustain Ute President, but who had